SRL

  • The White House refutes claims of disregarding the court order pausing Venezuelan deportations.

    The White House denies violating a judge’s order to halt the deportations of alleged Venezuelan gang members to El Salvador, a situation that, if proven otherwise, could push legal battles over presidential authority closer to a constitutional crisis.

    The controversy stems from the administration’s use of the 18th-century Alien Enemies Act to expel Venezuelan migrants—a rare and contentious move that some view as executive overreach.

    U.S. District Judge James Boasberg temporarily blocked the deportations to assess the implications of invoking the act. He also stated in court that any flights already in the air should return to the U.S. However, the administration announced on Sunday that 250 deportees, allegedly linked to the Tren de Aragua gang, were already in El Salvadorian custody.

    White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt’s carefully worded response on Sunday further fueled speculation about whether the administration defied the judge’s directive.

    “The Administration did not ‘refuse to comply’ with a court order. The order, which had no lawful basis, was issued after terrorist (Tren de Aragua) aliens had already been removed from U.S. territory,” Leavitt stated.

    She also argued that “a single judge in a single city cannot direct the movements of an aircraft carrier full of foreign alien terrorists who were physically expelled from U.S. soil.”

    Notably, Leavitt’s reference to the judge’s “written” order, along with the lack of clarity on when the migrants arrived in El Salvador, raises questions. Additionally, her use of the phrase “aircraft carrier” adds to the confusion, as the White House does not have the authority to determine the legality of court orders.

    During his return to Washington from Florida on Sunday, former President Trump defended his administration’s actions but sidestepped a direct answer on whether the judge’s order had been followed.

    “These were bad people. That was a bad group of, as I say, hombres,” Trump said. When pressed on whether his administration had violated court orders, he responded, “You’d have to speak to the lawyers about that.”

    The timeline of Boasberg’s orders and their alignment with the deportation operation remains unclear. If the administration disregarded the directive, it could mark one of its most serious legal challenges to date and heighten concerns about presidential defiance of the rule of law.

    Attorneys from the ACLU and Democracy Forward filed an overnight request asking Boasberg to seek sworn declarations clarifying whether officials complied with his orders. They are seeking details on whether flights departed after the judge’s instructions, whether planes subject to the order were in the air, and whether deported individuals were handed over to a foreign government after the temporary halt was issued.

    Separately, a Boston judge is set to hear a case on Monday regarding allegations that Customs and Border Protection officials ignored an order blocking the deportation of Dr. Rasha Alawieh, a Brown University professor and U.S. visa holder. Reuters reported that she was deported to Lebanon after returning from a family visit abroad.

    Trump is acting now and not waiting for the consequences

    The unfolding events reflect a broader pattern.

    Trump is exercising vast executive power, often acting first and leaving courts and political opponents to challenge him only after his decisions have already triggered nearly irreversible consequences.

    His use of the Alien Enemies Act to accelerate deportations is particularly striking, as the law is traditionally reserved for wartime.

    At the same time, a crackdown on student protests—exemplified by the arrest of a Palestinian green card holder—is being defended on the basis that his anti-Israel stance undermines U.S. foreign policy. Critics, however, see it as an effort to suppress First Amendment rights and dissent within academia, led by a White House unconstrained by constitutional limits.

    Adding to the controversy, Trump abruptly shut down the taxpayer-funded international broadcaster Voice of America over the weekend, reigniting debates over whether he can unilaterally disregard spending mandated by Congress. This move followed his chilling statement on Friday that media outlets not aligned with his MAGA agenda are “corrupt and illegal.”

    Many of Trump’s supporters elected him to dismantle institutions they see as disconnected from their values, culture, and economic interests. Polls suggest that among his base, these aggressive actions remain widely popular.

    His strategy is to act swiftly, capitalizing on the fact that checks on presidential power are often applied only in hindsight. By the time legal challenges emerge, the damage is done—just as an agency dismantled by Elon Musk’s hypothetical “Department of Government Efficiency” could remain in ruins even if a judge later orders its restoration.

    Deportations to El Salvador spark legal dispute

    The 1798 Alien Enemies Act has a history of misuse that has left lasting scars on American history. It damaged the legacy of the nation’s second president, John Adams, and later served as justification for the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II.

    The law states it can be enforced when the U.S. is at war with a foreign nation or if an invasion or attack is attempted, threatened, or carried out against U.S. territory—provided the president makes a formal proclamation.

    However, the U.S. is not at war with Venezuela. While Trump has repeatedly claimed the country is experiencing an “invasion” of undocumented migrants, criminals, and gang members, the power to declare war rests with Congress, not the president. This raises immediate concerns about whether Trump exceeded his legal authority in ordering the deportations.

    Judge James Boasberg issued a temporary restraining order to allow time for these legal questions to be fully examined.

    On CNN’s State of the Union Sunday, South Dakota Republican Sen. Mike Rounds said he was unsure whether the administration had disregarded the judge’s order but emphasized, “We expect the executive branch to follow the law… we are a constitutional republic, and we will follow those laws.”

    Meanwhile, Secretary of State Marco Rubio announced on X that over 250 alleged members of the Tren de Aragua gang had been deported to El Salvador, where they would be held “in their very good jails at a fair price.” The U.S. is paying $6 million for their detention.

    Now, the timeline of court rulings and deportations is under scrutiny.

    Boasberg initially blocked the removal of five individuals who had challenged the order in court. After a subsequent hearing, he expanded the ruling to cover all noncitizens in U.S. custody affected by Trump’s proclamation. Attorney General Pam Bondi and other Justice Department officials argued in a Sunday filing that “some gang members” were deported between Boasberg’s two rulings, but the five original plaintiffs were not among them. The administration has already appealed the judge’s decisions.

    Beyond Boasberg’s order, the case has wider implications.

    International law generally forbids deporting individuals to countries where they may face persecution. Given the harsh and overcrowded prison conditions in El Salvador, this situation could meet that threshold. Additionally, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele—often praised by Trump officials—faces allegations of constitutional and human rights violations that clash with longstanding American foreign policy values.

    Critics are also questioning why Trump invoked the Alien Enemies Act when other legal avenues exist to expel gang members. The administration’s lack of transparency regarding the identities of those deported raises concerns that undocumented migrants with no gang affiliations could have been wrongfully swept up in the process, denied their legal rights, and sent into dangerous conditions.

    “Giving them this wide latitude to just… claim that anybody is anything is wrong,” Texas Democratic Rep. Jasmine Crockett told CNN. “We do have courts, we do have processes, we do have laws, and we should just go ahead and use those.”

    Yet, politically, Trump’s aggressive approach benefits him by reinforcing his strongman image. It allows him to frame critics of his policies as defenders of criminals, despite broader concerns about legality and human rights.

    “Thank you to El Salvador and, in particular, President Bukele, for your understanding of this horrible situation, which was allowed to happen to the United States because of incompetent Democrat leadership,” Trump wrote on Truth Social on Sunday.

    Free speech concerns raised by detention of green card holder

    The administration is also under scrutiny for its handling of the detention of former Columbia University student Mahmoud Khalil, a Palestinian refugee whose green card was revoked due to his involvement in last year’s protests over the Israel-Hamas war.

    Key legal questions remain: Was Khalil arrested for actions that legally qualify as material support for terrorism, or is he being detained in violation of his First Amendment rights as a U.S. legal permanent resident? His supporters argue he was singled out for speaking against Israel’s military actions in Gaza following the October 7, 2023, attacks.

    On CBS’ Face the Nation Sunday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio claimed it was “very simple” to see that Khalil had misrepresented his intentions when applying for a green card, as his political activities later included participation in pro-Hamas events. “We never should have allowed him in, in the first place,” Rubio said. “If he had told us, ‘I’m going over there and I’m going over there to become the spokesperson and one of the leaders of a movement that’s going to turn one of your allegedly elite colleges upside down’—we never would have let him in.” He further argued that Khalil’s actions ran “counter to the foreign policy interest of the United States.”

    U.S. law states that anyone who “endorses or espouses terrorist activities or persuades others to do so” is ineligible for a visa. However, a key question in Khalil’s case is whether those restrictions apply to a legal permanent resident already in the country.

    Rubio did not provide evidence that Khalil committed a crime, materially supported terrorism, or explicitly advocated for terrorist activities. If his actions were limited to voicing support for Hamas—however controversial or offensive to many Americans—he could be protected under the First Amendment, which prohibits government restrictions on free speech.

    The case has raised alarm because it suggests that any non-citizen immigrant could be arrested and deported if their speech is deemed contrary to U.S. foreign policy by the president or his administration.

    Khalil’s legal battle is ongoing. A federal judge has blocked his deportation, and he remains in Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) custody. Like the case of the Venezuelan deportations, this issue appears likely to reach the Supreme Court, where justices will face an unprecedented series of cases shaping both Trump’s presidency and the broader scope of executive power.

    At the core of all these legal disputes is a fundamental question: Does Trump possess the sweeping authority he has claimed, marking the most aggressive assertion of presidential power in modern history?

    Trump, however, is not waiting for the courts to decide. He continues to push forward with major changes to U.S. governance, values, and culture—shifts that could prove difficult for future presidents or Congress to undo.

  • “Nepal Oil Corporation: Recent Developments and Price Updates”

    As of today, February 13, 2025, there are no new updates regarding the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC). The latest significant development took place on October 3, 2024, when NOC signed an agreement with the Indian Oil Corporation to construct two new pipeline projects. One pipeline, stretching 50 kilometers, will connect Siliguri in India to Jhapa in Nepal, while the other will extend 62 kilometers from Amlekhgunj to Lothar in Chitwan. This initiative aims to improve energy security and streamline petroleum supply, especially in Nepal’s hilly regions.

    Additionally, on October 31, 2024, NOC announced a reduction in diesel and kerosene prices by Re1 per liter, setting the new price at Rs150 per liter in Kathmandu, Pokhara, and Dipayal. However, the prices of petrol, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), and aviation fuel remained unchanged.

    Currently, there have been no further announcements or updates from NOC.

  • Petrol Prices in Biratnagar: Latest Updates and Key Factors Impacting Costs

    Petrol is an essential fuel for Nepal’s transportation sector, powering vehicles across the country. The Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) manages petrol prices, adjusting them based on global market trends and supply rates from the Indian Oil Corporation, Nepal’s primary fuel supplier.

    Current Petrol Prices in Biratnagar

    As of February 10, 2025, the price of petrol in Nepal is NPR 175.00 per liter. However, rates may differ slightly in Biratnagar due to transportation and distribution costs. For the most accurate pricing, checking with local fuel stations or the official NOC website is recommended.

    Recent Price Revisions

    In January 2025, NOC raised petrol prices by NPR 2 per liter, setting the rate at NPR 173 per liter in Kathmandu. Petrol prices in Nepal frequently fluctuate due to various external factors, including global oil market trends.

    Key Factors Influencing Petrol Prices in Nepal

    Several critical elements impact petrol pricing:

    1. Global Crude Oil Prices: The cost of crude oil in the international market directly affects petrol prices in Nepal.
    2. Exchange Rate Fluctuations: The value of the Nepalese Rupee against the US Dollar influences fuel import costs.
    3. Transportation and Logistics Expenses: The cost of transporting fuel from depots to different regions, including Biratnagar, affects the final retail price.
    4. Government Taxes and Policies: Duties, taxes, and subsidies set by the government significantly impact fuel prices.

    Conclusion

    Petrol continues to be a crucial resource in Nepal, especially in cities like Biratnagar. Staying updated with the latest price changes through official sources helps individuals and businesses manage fuel expenses effectively.

  • Diesel Prices in Biratnagar: Current Rates and Key Influencing Factors

    Diesel fuel plays a vital role in Nepal’s transportation, agriculture, and industrial sectors. The Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) regulates diesel prices, adjusting them based on international market trends and supply rates from the Indian Oil Corporation.

    Current Diesel Prices in Biratnagar

    As of February 10, 2025, the diesel price in Nepal stands at NPR 160.00 per liter. However, prices may vary slightly across different regions due to transportation costs and local distribution factors. For the latest rates in Biratnagar, checking with local fuel stations or the official NOC website is recommended.

    Recent Price Changes

    In January 2025, NOC raised diesel prices by NPR 3 per liter, setting the rate at NPR 156 per liter in Kathmandu. Fuel prices in Nepal fluctuate based on global oil prices, exchange rates, and supply costs.

    Factors Affecting Diesel Prices in Nepal

    Several key factors influence the cost of diesel:

    1. Global Oil Prices: Changes in international crude oil prices directly impact diesel rates in Nepal.
    2. Exchange Rate Fluctuations: The value of the Nepalese Rupee against the US Dollar affects fuel import costs.
    3. Transportation and Distribution Costs: Expenses related to moving fuel from depots to various regions, including Biratnagar, play a role in price determination.
    4. Government Taxes and Policies: Taxes and potential subsidies imposed by the government can significantly influence fuel prices.

    Conclusion

    Diesel remains an essential energy source in Nepal, particularly in cities like Biratnagar. Staying updated with price changes through official sources helps businesses and individuals manage their fuel expenses effectively.

  • Digitization disrupts Nepal’s handmade paper industry.

    The Impact of Digitization on Nepal’s Handmade Paper Industry

    Hari Kumar Magar, a handmade paper entrepreneur from Banepa Municipality, had to shut down his business due to declining demand. His factory has remained closed for over a year and a half, reflecting the broader challenges facing Nepal’s handmade paper industry.

    Traditionally used by government offices for record-keeping, handmade paper is struggling to survive amid the rise of digital documentation. Many small paper factories in Kavrepalanchok, once thriving with significant investments, have now shut down.

    Originally from Sindhuli, Magar established Kanchan Nepali Paper Factory 14 years ago, aiming to create a successful business. However, with demand dropping, covering production costs—including taxes, rent, and salaries—became unfeasible.

    “Even after the pandemic, when other businesses started recovering, the handmade paper industry couldn’t bounce back. Eventually, I had no choice but to close down,” Magar said. He had invested Rs2.5 million in his factory but suffered losses amounting to Rs1.5 million.

    Purushottam Painju, owner of Friendship Paper Industry in Khopasi, Panauti, has been in the business for two decades. Despite early success, his enterprise now faces similar struggles.

    “Dealers in Kathmandu say foreign demand has dropped, and orders have declined,” Painju said. His factory’s production has reduced from 600 kori (one kori equals 20 sheets) to 500, with 200 kori remaining unsold due to low demand.

    Lokta paper is known for its durability and resistance to insects and mildew. According to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the government primarily used it for official record-keeping.

    Handmade paper production in Nepal dates back to at least the 12th century, particularly in rural hill districts. Baglung was historically known for producing high-quality paper.

    However, by the 1930s, production declined due to imports from Tibet. By the 1960s, competition from machine-made Indian paper further weakened the industry, leaving only a few families in Baglung and Parbat with knowledge of traditional paper-making techniques.

    The industry saw a revival in the 1970s, fueled by growing tourism. By the decade’s end, new markets emerged, and international organizations like UNICEF and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) initiated projects to support lokta paper production, including the establishment of Bhaktapur Craft Printers in the Kathmandu Valley.

    Significant industrial developments took place in 1985, when the introduction of Japanese technologies improved efficiency while retaining traditional craftsmanship. Japan has a longstanding tradition of making handmade paper from daphne tree bark fibers, and when this method was introduced in Nepal, sustainability became a key focus, including the recycling of lokta paper scraps.

    The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) collaborated with the Nepalese government to train local entrepreneurs in Japanese techniques. Around the same time, General Paper Industries became Nepal’s first major private handmade paper company, pioneering these advancements.

    According to Mahaguthi Craft with Conscience, a Fair Trade Organization that markets Nepali crafts, handmade paper is produced from the bark of Daphne cannabina and Daphne papyracea (lokta), found at altitudes of 2,000–2,700 meters. The raw material is sourced from several hill districts, including Dolakha.

    Harvested every two to three years, the bark is cleaned, boiled, beaten into pulp, and dried in wooden frames under the sun to create sheets.

    Tibetan monks have historically used this paper for manuscripts and sacred texts. However, with the rise of digitization, government orders have declined significantly, dealing a major blow to the industry.

    Additionally, sourcing raw materials from Dolakha remains expensive due to high processing and labor costs. As a result, a large portion of the handmade paper produced never reaches the market, pushing businesses closer to closure.

    Painju, like other producers, is uncertain about the future. He plans to scale down production in response to market demand but is unsure how long he can sustain operations.

    While the exact number of Nepali handmade paper enterprises in Kavrepalanchok is unknown, the Office of Commerce and Industry records indicate that only three companies are formally registered.

    Ganesh Kagaj Udyog, established in 2000, has not renewed its registration, while Ugratara Hadkeshwar Nepali Kagaj Udyog (2004) and Nepal Kagaj Udyog (2006) are no longer in contact with authorities.

    “Many enterprises operated without registration, but even the officially registered ones are now on the verge of closure,” said Sitaram Pokharel, chief of the office.

    Despite the versatility of Nepali handmade paper, its higher production cost compared to regular paper and the widespread shift to digital documentation have shrunk its market.

    Data from the Inland Revenue Office in Kavrepalanchok shows that five Nepali paper enterprises are registered, though not all remain active.

    According to the Department of Customs, Nepal exported handmade paper worth Rs335.67 million in the first six months of the current fiscal year. Major export destinations include Australia, China, France, Germany, the UAE, the UK, the US, and Japan. The paper is primarily used for greeting cards, stationery sets, notebooks, gift-wrapping paper, bags, envelopes, and photo frames.

    While Nepali handmade paper remains an important part of the country’s cultural heritage, its future is uncertain as digital alternatives continue to replace traditional documentation methods.

  • The second phase of the Motihari-Amlekhgunj Petroleum Pipeline project is advancing, with 40% of the work completed.

    NOC

    The second phase of the Motihari-Amlekhgunj Petroleum Pipeline project is progressing well, with around 40 percent of the work completed, according to Binit Mani Upadhyay, head of the Madhesh Regional Office of NOC, Amlekhganj Bara.

    As part of this phase, the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) is building two petrol tanks with a capacity of 4,000 kiloliters each, along with two transmix tanks of 250 kiloliters each. Additionally, 24 fully automated loading stations for petrol transportation, pump houses, refillers, and laboratories are being developed at the Amlekhgunj depot in Bara, Upadhyaya stated.

    He also highlighted advancements in upgrading the fire-fighting system, implementing the OWS system for oil-water separation, and constructing the PMCC room. The NOC Madhesh Regional Office has assigned Likhita Infrastructure Pvt Ltd to complete the infrastructure by the end of 2023. Funding for one petrol tank will come from the NOC, while the IOC will finance the other.

  • NEPAL OIL CORPORATION

    Close-up of hands holding a contract, focus on business agreement discussion.

    Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC)
    Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) is a government-owned company responsible for importing, storing, and distributing petroleum products in Nepal. No private companies are allowed to import petrol or diesel. NOC was established in 1970 under Nepal’s “Company Act, 2021 (1964).” The government owns 99.46% of the company, while the rest is shared by four other state-owned organizations: Rastriya Beema Sansthan, National Trading Ltd., Nepal Bank Ltd., and Rastriya Banijya Bank.

    History
    NOC started small, storing oil in just two drums under the leadership of the late Mr. Subarna Bikram Thapa. Thanks to his efforts, the company now has over 30,000 kilolitres (kL) of storage facilities across Nepal. Since Nepal is a landlocked country, it relies entirely on imports to meet its fuel needs. Most petroleum products are supplied through a long-term agreement with Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), a major oil company in India.

    Operations and Infrastructure
    NOC is based in Kathmandu and operates through seven provincial offices, three branch offices, two fuel depots, one petrol pump, and ten aviation fuel depots. It has a total storage capacity of 71,558 kilolitres (kL) and employs 872 permanent staff members along with contract workers. The company is managed by a board of directors, mostly government officials, along with one expert chosen by the government.

    Motihari-Amlekhgunj Oil Pipeline
    The Motihari-Amlekhgunj pipeline is a 69-kilometre (42.9-mile) pipeline that brings oil from Motihari in India to Amlekhgunj in Nepal. It has made oil transportation faster, safer, and more efficient. This is the first cross-border pipeline in South Asia and is operated by Indian Oil Corporation. It was officially inaugurated on September 10, 2019, by the Prime Ministers of India and Nepal.